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The Cambridge Model of Biotech Oversight
by Sam Lipson
While it is generally understood that infectious
organisms pose a health risk to researchers, and perhaps to those
with whom they are in contact, public concern about the immediate
public health consequences of scientific research has a short history
in the United States. There is a long tradition of non-intervention
if not always trust in scientific endeavors. Until
the regulation of gene-splicing experiments in the mid-1970s, scientific
research in the U.S. had never been subjected to local, state or
federal law.
At that time, two major dynamics shifts in
public trust and startling advances in molecular biology
combined to change the publics perception of biology. Rising
concerns over biotechnologys capacity to cause profound and
unwelcome changes in human affairs and the environment spurred demands
for science to be held accountable to the public. This new skepticism
was further fueled by real and perceived academic arrogance towards
public accountability, and by public recognition that no one could
honestly answer many of the questions being asked about the potential
consequences of new genetic technologies.
While the greatest breaches of public trust were
associated with the research and testing of biological and nuclear
weapons by the national defense establishment, the medical community
had also been implicated in secretive and unethical practices. As
research involving human experimentation on prison inmates, people
with disabilities, racial minorities, and the public-at-large came
to light in the immediate post-Watergate era, many citizens found
little reason to accept official reassurances about technologies
capable of altering DNA itself. There was a deepening suspicion
that real risks posed by advances in science and technology were
not being accurately represented to the public.
In the 1960s and 1970s, revolutionary advances increased
scientists ability to isolate, characterize and alter the
genomes of bacteria and other organisms, and it became increasingly
clear that this knowledge could be widely applied before its consequences
were well understood. In 1975, an historic conference took place
at the Asilomar Conference Center in Monterey, California, at which
molecular biologists discussed the scientific, public health and
ethical consequences of new genetic technologies. Among the leading
institutions at which this work was being pursued were Harvard and
MIT both located within Cambridge, Massachusetts, one of
the most densely populated communities in the country.
While the Asilomar Conference did not result in a
consensus even among those most equipped to grasp the science, agreements
were made to limit some work thought to be unusually risky, and
it was understood that some broad policies and protocols were needed
to address the risks and uncertainties posed by this work. Soon
after Asilomar, the National Institutes of Health (NIH) assembled
a panel of researchers to develop a set of guidelines for research
involving recombinant DNA, though even this protocol document was
soon subject to further debate and change. In 1976, in Cambridge,
even before the release of the NIH Guidelines on Research Involving
Recombinant DNA Molecules (henceforth the NIH Guidelines), events
began to unfold that led to a series of high-profile, nationally
reported public debates and eventually to the countrys first
regulations involving genetic research. One concern raised in the
course of this historic public debate was whether it was appropriate
for guidelines to be developed by a research agency composed primarily
of those most likely to identify with or even be associated
with investigators undertaking the research. Further concerns
were raised about the limited nature of the Guidelines, which were
only intended to govern research funded directly by the NIH.
The controversy in Cambridge initially arose over
a proposal by Harvard University, in early 1976, to renovate an
existing research laboratory for use as a Biosafety Level 3 (then
called P3) facility accomodating genetic and viral research. After
concerns were raised by members of the Harvard biology faculty and
the public, the City of Cambridge conducted hearings in June and
July of that year to allow public discussion of this proposal. These
meetings coincided with the release of the NIH Guidelines. Discussion
focused on whether to allow such research to be conducted in Cambridge,
and how the federal protocol could be used. As a result of this
process, the City Council created a Cambridge Experimentation Review
Board (CERB) and invited lay residents, a social scientist and a
medical doctor, also residents, to join this Board. With a moratorium
on research involving recombinant DNA (rDNA) in place, the CERB
was entrusted to examine the issues and report back to the Council.
Following extensive hearings and testimony, the CERB recommended
encoding the NIH Guidelines into local law and creating a Cambridge
Bioha-zards Committee (later the Cam-bridge Biosafety Committee)
to oversee enforcement of this new ordinance. In February 1977,
by a unanimous vote of the City Council, Cambridge became the first
jurisdiction in the U.S. to directly regulate basic scientific research
which used recombinant DNA.
The ordinance was written with small-scale academic
research in mind, but the development of gene-splicing techniques
necessitated revisiting the ordinances language when the Biogen
Corporation, a genetic engineering firm with headquarters in Switzerland,
proposed in 1980 to construct a commercial facility in Cambridge.
The CERB and the Cambridge Biohazards Committee (CBC) decided to
review this proposal and held a joint hearing in the fall of that
year.
In the four years since the original debates had
taken place, the tenor of the discussion had changed considerably,
and the two review committees adopted a more tolerant and accommodating
posture to reflect this shift. In the end, the CERB and CBC recommended
that the 1977 ordinance be amended to include safeguards to protect
the public from releases of organisms that could escape the laboratory;
measures to assure worker safety; and mechanisms for the establishment
of a permit-granting process, to be administered by the Department
of Health and Hospitals (later the Cambridge Public Health Department).
In effect, Cambridge had altered local oversight rules to acknowledge
the commercial direction that genetic engineering had taken and
would likely take in the future. In the absence of state or federal
regulations, the city saw that a more traditional form of health
and safety review was appropriate to this new industry.
When asked why they would choose to locate their
research and development headquarters in a city with an rDNA ordinance,
an oversight committee, and a history of deep suspicion even
animosity towards genetic engineering research, Biogen officials
replied that Cambridges established review and regulatory
process, and the more mature understanding of the field, were in
fact part of the communitys appeal . A process that was once
seen as an obstacle to academic freedom and commercial enterprise
engendered an assurance of cooperation and a tacit acknowledgement
that such constraints represented reasonable and prudent local governance.
What began as an electrifying display of resistance by an energized
population became a demonstration of the power of public oversight
and private disclosure to benefit all the parties.
Cambridge has now become the de facto global capital
for biotech research and development, with fifty biotech licenses
held by leading biotech and pharmaceutical firms. The presence of
so many of the key industry players, and the proximity of Harvard,
MIT and several of the nations most prestigious research hospitals,
has transformed much of the citys available industrial land
into a collection of campus-like clusters or corridors of research.
The industry-academic-healthcare axis has now established Cambridge
as an industry-wide think tank and a cross-licensing mecca.
The changing biotech industry in Cambridge
Though the Cambridge rDNA ordinance eventually underwent
one more major amendment, in which requirements for special large-scale
permits were eliminated in 1993, the current enforcement procedures
have remained largely unchanged since the 1981 amendments. The Cambridge
Biohazards Committee became the Cambridge Biosafety Committee; the
Department of Health and Hospitals was granted permission by the
Massachusetts state legislature in 1995 to become the quasi-public
Cambridge Public Health Commission, also called the Cambridge Health
Alliance; and the number of rDNA permits granted has slowly increased.
The biggest shift in the impact of genetic engineering research
and development in the city involves not how many licenses have
been approved, but rather the scale of the work now being conducted
in many of these facilities. Along with an explosion in the capitalization
of biotech companies, major pharmaceutical players have acquired
many of the more successful start-up biotech firms that made the
city their first home. While a number of companies outgrew their
Cambridge facilities, most have kept their R&D focus in town
while exporting production capacity to less expensive locations
in Massachusetts and elsewhere.
Another shift in the nature of the research conducted
within Cambridge in the past decade is the increasing use of laboratory
space specifically designed and constructed for the research needs
of companies using the facility. Early start-ups in Cambridge were
often spun off from Harvard or MIT, and tended to resemble academic
laboratories with less than ideal quarters, lax housekeeping practices
and slim budgets. Many were poorly funded and forced to make do
in old office buildings, basements and other out-dated facilities.
As biotech was recognized to have enormous growth potential and
several newly patented biopharmaceuticals began to clear FDA approval
and reach the marketplace, investment firms lined up to capitalize
on these firms. In many respects, this cash-flow has made the task
of laboratory review and inspection much easier.
Another benefit of this new funding, though not an
inevitable one, has been the professionalization of lab staff and
increased emphasis on occupational safety and lab safety training.
More funding has increased the need to be seen as well-managed and
accountable. A larger number of staff with biosafety responsibilities
has had formal training in this area, and the pool of experienced
biosafety officers has grown dramatically. Smaller start-ups generally
did not have the luxury of full-time biosafety professionals, frequently
relying on lead scientists to perform administrative functions for
which they were not well suited by training, temperament or inclination.
Enforcement of the ordinance
The system for enforcing the Cambridge ordinance
has worked well in a changing biotech landscape. The NIH Guidelines
impose a great deal of responsibility for protocol and containment
decisions within a firm or institution on its own Institutional
Biosafety Committee (IBC). Cambridge also relies on the IBCs
judgments for assigning appropriate biosafety standards, both physical
and procedural, but plays a much more active role in reviewing such
decisions and in seeking assurance that community representation
on the IBC is maintained. The ordinance requires that the minutes,
or proceedings, of each IBC meeting and the annual meeting are submitted
to the CBC. Furthermore, any changes in containment level
for example, from a Biosafety Level One to Biosafety Level Two
or in lab location within the city require an amendment to the rDNA
permit. The CBC spends most of its time reviewing changes in practices
or conditions within previously licensed labs and scrutinizing new
applicants.
The process for presenting license requests to the
CBC during its monthly meeting is similar for new permit applicants
and for those seeking changes to their permits. A template is provided
to demonstrate the sort of information and the level of detail sought
by the committee. Once hearings are scheduled, applicants must come
to discuss the details of their facility and the protocols being
followed. They must describe the purpose of their company, the specific
technology being employed, the types of biological vectors and host
cells being used, and the genes that will be altered. The applicants
provide floor plans, medical surveillance programs, subcontracts
for waste removal, pest control, instrument validation, and ventilation,
and discuss the status of all other required local, state, and federal
permits being sought or amended. The sample presentation provides
valuable experience for presenters who have never been asked to
discuss the details of their work with anyone but venture capitalists
or their peers, and helps the committee verify the Risk Group assigned
to the proposed work and the final Biosafety Levels that must be
established at the facility. Questions from the committee follow
the presentation, with occasional requests for further documentation
or verification by the applicant.
After the presentation, a site visit is scheduled
to ensure that lab areas are fully equipped and properly fitted
with signage, safety devices, waste containers, emergency phone
numbers, and equipment certification. Site visits are scheduled
to accomodate committee members, though CBC staff conduct most inspections.
In recognition of the limited time available to CBC members for
administrative and enforcement tasks, staff duties are primarily
executed by the Director of Environmental Health, a Public Health
Department position. All this may sound dry but the sum of
these practicalities ensures the safety of workers and the community.
Conclusion
The Cambridge Biosafety Committee has endeavored
to improve compliance with the ordinance and expand the knowledge
of community representatives and biotech licensees. CBC and the
Public Health Department host seminars periodically to provide biosafety
instruction, a review of NIH Guidelines requirements, and a discussion
of emerging issues in biosafety and bioethics. In September 2002
the CBC conducted a four-evening, 16-hour series on biosafety that
drew participants from across New England and included local biosafety
professionals from industry and academia, IBC community representatives,
and state and local public health officials from throughout Massachusetts.
In addition to providing biosafety instruction to attendees, the
Cambridge Biosafety Forum offered other lectures on the implications
of the USA Patriot Act in academic laboratories and also on the
establishment of animal care and use programs, medical surveillance
of biotech employees, and panel discussions on biosafety considerations
for production-scale biotech firms and on risks and benefits of
biotechnology.
The value of the Cambridge Biosafety Committee has
also been made apparent by activities in neighboring Boston, where
Boston University hopes to construct a controversial federal biodefense
facility [See Boston Universitys $1.6 Billion Secret,
GeneWatch Volume 16, Number 3]. While Boston has an rDNA research
ordinance almost identical to Cambridges, its enforcement
through a standing public biosafety committee has lapsed. Unaccountable
to mechanisms of public review, Boston University has severely limited
access to details of their proposals, and largely dictated the terms
of public debate. Concerned citizens groups and the Boston
Public Health Commission have requested the Cambridge Biosafety
Committees guidance in setting up a system of community oversight.
As an early leader in establishing the right of local
communities to regulate biotechnology, the Cambridge Biosafety Committee
and the Cambridge Public Health Department continue to maintain
a high profile in biotech regulatory affairs. While the ordinance
was never intended to regulate or adjudicate the many ethical questions
which have arisen from the application of technologies that manipulate
DNA, the importance of ensuring thorough regulatory oversight has
not lessened.
Over the past quarter century, CBC staff have been
contacted by communities around the state and across the country
that are adopting or considering local rDNA laws within their own
jurisdictions. In Cambridge, it has been shown that a city can address
private and public interests in mutually beneficial ways. As new
frontiers and controversies in biotechnology emerge, the committees
example of reasonable and meaningful oversight reaches far beyond
the citys borders.
Sam Lipson is Director
of Environmental Health at the Cambridge Public Health Department.
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